"IF I HAD KNOWN THAT MY LORD WANTED IRON"1 The beginning of the common use of iron in Assyria (this is a summary / adaptation of the introduction of an article I am currently writing) In the modern world iron is a very common material. Iron ore can be found in many places all over the world and all kinds of iron and steel with whatever strength and ductility are needed can be produced. However, this was not always the case. In the Near Eastern Bronze Age (3000-12002) iron was already known, but probably only as a by-product of copper, of which the ore contained iron3. Therefore it was scarce and expensive and used only for luxury goods. From the twelfth century on we see an increasing use of iron as a material for utensils.4 The soil of Assyria, situated in northern Mesopotamia, did not contain metal ores. To acquire metals - gold, silver, bronze, iron- the Assyrians had to buy them from traders, take them as booty after conquests or demand them in the form of tribute. The last two options were put into practise by successive Neo-Assyrian kings.5 The presence and use of iron in ninth century Assyria grew at a steady pace. Some scholars believe that as early as that period iron became a common metal for the Assyrians. Moorey stated: "It was probably in the course of the ninth century in Assyria that iron became relatively common."6 He is supported by Haarer7 and Reiter.8 Other scholars, however, think that it was not before the late eighth or seventh century, that the ironworking industry was clearly well developed.9 This article will research both hypotheses, by examining the archeological and textual information. First I will look at the arguments used by the scholars who are convinced of the first hypothesis, then I will discuss the arguments against it. In addition, some arguments that are not mentioned by other authors will be discussed. The conclusion will enable further insights in the use of iron weapons by the Neo-Assyrian empire in their conquest of large parts of the ancient Near East. Bibliography Cole, S.W. 1996, Nippur. IV, The early Neo-Babylonian Gorvernor's archive from Nippur, Chicago. Curtis, J.E./T.S. Wheeler/J.D. Muhly/R.Maddin 1979, 'Neo-Assyrian Ironworking Technology', in: Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 123, no. 6, 369-390. Grayson, A.K. 1991, Assyrian Rulers of the Early first Millennium BC I (1114-859 BC), Toronto/Buffalo/London. Grayson, A.K. 1996, Assyrian Rulers of the Early first Millennium BC II (858-745 BC), Toronto/Buffalo/London. Haarer, P. 2001, 'Problematising the Transition from Bronze to Iron', in: Shortland, A.J. (ed.), The social context of technological change, Egypt and the Near East 1650-1550 BC (conference 12-14 september 2000), Oxford, chapter 14, 255-273. Moorey, P.R.S. 1994, Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries, Oxford. Reiter, K. 1997, Die Metalle im Alten Orient, Münster. Stech-Wheeler, T./J.D. Muhly/K.R. Maxwell-Hyslop/R. Maddin 1981, 'Iron at Taanach and Early Iron Metallurgy in the Eastern Mediterranean', in: American Journal of Archaeology, vol. 85, no. 3, 245-268. 1 The title is part of a letter from the early neo-Babylonian governor's archive from Nippur, second half 8th century. Cole 1996, 113-15 (text 41). 2 All dates mentioned in this article are B.C. 3 Moorey 1994, 279-280. 4 Stech-Wheeler, Muhly, Maxwell/Hyslop, Maddin, 1981, 245-256. 5 See the Assyrian royal inscriptions, for example Grayson 1991, 176 (text 5, line 100); 177 (text 5, line 107); 193-223 (text 1, column i, line 84, column ii, line 122 and column iii, lines 66 and 74) and Grayson 1996, 18 (text 2, column ii, lines 22, 25 and 28). 6 Moorey 1994, 290. 7 Haarer 2001, 266. 8 Reiter 1997, 348. 9 Curtis, Wheeler, Muhly, Maddin 1979, 369-370.