PRIME Minister Malcolm Turnbull has a clear agenda for the reform of the industrial relations system.
He will simply introduce legislation based off the report of the Royal Commission.
Opposition leader Bill Shorten has major problems deciding his agenda. Despite his mantra that Labor has "zero tolerance for any form of corruption in the workplace", he is yet to announce how he will deal with it. 
However, on the basis of statements from leading unionists and Labor members, it is possible to suggest what their agenda will be.
They have implacably rejected the Commission's report as a witch hunt, "politically motivated", "biased", and a document which should be "relegated to the dustbin".
Acting Opposition leader Tanya Plibersek was emphatic that "we won't accept a politically motivated set of recommendations".
Mr Shorten is between a rock and a hard place.
If he simply mirrors the unacceptable bluster of union and party rejection of the Commission, and is determined to stop any reform legislation, then the heavy rock will fall on his head at the next election. His hard place is in his own party. He is the leader of the Labor Party which is owned by the affiliated unions through the factions.
Any policy on industrial reform will be made, not by leader Shorten, but by the Labor parliamentary caucus.
The caucus, especially in the Senate where the final decision will be made, contains a majority of ex-union members, all of whom owe a massive debt to their unions, and who depend on the unions for their preselection.
The Turnbull reform agenda will pass the House of Representatives, where the Coalition has the numbers.
But the Senate will be the real battleground, and some Senators are going to have to make some serious decisions.
The Coalition has 33 Senators, including a deliberative vote for the President, which is not available in the House of Representatives.
This is six votes short of the minimum majority of 39 needed to pass a Bill. The Labor Party has 25 Senators, 13 short of forcing a tied vote of 38-38, which defeats any Bill.
Whether Australia finally gets the industrial reform it so sorely needs will depend on the 10 Greens Senators and the eight independents and minor parties.
The Greens have a long history of opposing Coalition legislation. They will probably do it again. But even if they do, there would still be only 35 votes against.
If they vote with the Coalition, the reforms will pass.
Greens' opposition would mean that the fate of industrial relations reform would lie in the hands of the disparate crossbenchers. If at least six of the eight independents and minor parties support the Coalition, the Bill will pass.
One thing is certain. The union leaders are fully aware of the magnitude and impact of what, to ordinary Australians, are necessary reforms.
From now to the opening of Parliament, and increasingly once the Bill is introduced, Canberra will see the most intense lobbying, political pressure, cajolery, coaxing, wheedling, and even bullying, that Australian politics has ever seen.JAENSCHDH@BIGPOND.COM