In this regard, at least, history will treat Tony Abbott kindly
Tony Abbott has been described as leading a pointless government. His agenda is thin and his vision for the nation is ill-defined. His ministers squabble in public. His cabinet is beset by leaks. His party remains well behind in the polls. And he is, as always, unpopular with voters.
No prime minister lasts -forever. Speculation persists that Abbott may be replaced by his party room before the next election. It looks doubtful, but not -impossible, that he could lead the Coalition to a second electoral -victory. History's verdict on his prime ministership looks bleak. 
Yet for all of these undeniable realities, there is an admirable and perhaps redeeming value in -Abbott that has not earned him enough credit from critics: his commitment to improving the lives of Aboriginal Australians. It may well be what he is most -remembered for.
Last week, Abbott spent a week in remote Aboriginal communities in the Torres Strait and Cape York. He laid a wreath at Eddie Mabo's grave on the island of Mer. Abbott said "all Australians" should embrace Mabo's struggle for land rights and the High Court decision in his name.
On Thursday Island, Abbott pinned medals on a forgotten veteran of WWII. He praised the patriotism of the Torres Strait Islander Diggers. At Bamaga, in Cape York, Abbott joined kids on a bus taking them to school and sat in on classroom lessons. At Injinoo, Abbott donned gloves to paint, lay bricks and pour concrete for the community hall upgrade.
As Abbott met with locals, he was flanked by ministerial colleagues and departmental officials. "We can read all the briefing papers in the world, we can read the books, we can talk to the experts, but there's nothing like being present on the spot to see the good and the bad and to see a way forward," Abbott said.
These places have rarely, if ever, seen a prime minister. I doubt if any prime minister has spent more time in remote Aboriginal communities than Abbott. This can only be good for the soul of the nation.
With a crowded political agenda - including the union royal commission in limbo, debate over the China-Australia Free Trade Agreement and the looming Canning by-election - Abbott could have justifiably skipped this year's pilgrimage. But he didn't.
This is not to say Abbott has -always expertly handled these issues. His comment that it is a "lifestyle choice" to live in remote communities was unfortunate. He has, however, recanted and explains this as an answer to a "stray question".
Abbott's dedication to indigenous issues may be influenced by his Jesuit education at two Sydney schools, St Aloysius' at Milsons Point and St Ignatius' at Riverview. His training to be a priest at St Patrick's Seminary, Manly, may be another factor. It is a combination of public leadership, policy advocacy and missionary work.
Unlike most previous Liberal leaders, Abbott understands the importance of coupling symbolic with practical reconciliation. His beliefs have transformed. He now repudiates John Hewson's view on land rights and John Howard's view on an apology. This is a -significant departure from previous Liberal orthodoxy.
In 2013, Abbott spoke movingly about past injustices towards Aborigines. "We have never made peace with the first Australians," he told parliament. Abbott said we should have followed the path of New Zealand, who in 1840 signed the Treaty of Waitangi between Maori chiefs and the British government. Abbott praised Kevin Rudd's apology speech in 2008 as a "great day in our nation's life".
In 2014, Abbott began his "closing the gap" statement by acknowledging Paul Keating's landmark speech on Aboriginal reconciliation at Redfern in 1992. Abbott described Keating's oration as "a watershed moment for me" and said that today he "couldn't disagree with its central point: that our failures towards Australia's first peoples were a stain on our soul".
In that same speech, Abbott acknowledged that on indigenous issues "I can't say that I have always been where I am now." He made a revealing statement: "For me, Aboriginal policy has become personal rather than just political." It is more than just policy or politics; it is a personal mission to which he has allied his prime ministership.
Howard, who boycotted Rudd's apology and criticised Keating's Redfern speech, would never have uttered these words. These are not universally accepted views inside the Liberal Party. Nevertheless, Abbott is not a recent convert to this cause. He has spent several days in remote communities in most years since 2008. Last year he spent nearly a week in East Arnhem Land.
Abbott knows the closing the gap agenda designed to improve health, education, employment, justice and housing outcomes matters most. Progress has been slow. There is still too much -welfare dependency, violence, -alcohol and drug abuse in remote communities.
A successful "yes" vote for the referendum on constitutional recognition of the first australians will largely depend on Abbott. He is the linchpin. Abbott has stared down sceptics inside his party and rebutted the rantings of right-wing commentators willing the referendum to fail.
There are also some in the Liberals, in the Aboriginal community and Labor who want a major rewrite of the constitution. This is surely unachievable.
Labor is broadly supportive of the Coalition's approach. But -Abbott needs to bind Bill Shorten to his campaign or he will fail. Achieving a national consensus will not be easy.
There are, sadly, no votes in Aboriginal policy. Yet Abbott is committed to alleviating the -entrenched disadvantage many Aboriginal Australians face.He understands the importance of reconciliation. The referendum is his biggest challenge. But nobody can doubt Abbott's dedication to this worthy cause. History, on this score at least, should judge him well.